Script
Transmission of the alphabet to and within Italy
To Italy
In the 8th century BC, the island of Pithekoussai (modern Ischia) off the coast of Campania was colonized by Greeks from Euboia. While it is not quite clear whether the settlement was a proper colony or just a trading post, it spawned the foundation of historically important Kyme around the middle of the 8th century on mainland Italy. Pithekoussai itself seems to have lost importance at the turn of the century. The alphabet used by the colonists was that of the Euboic mother-cities Chalkis und Eretria – indeed, one of the oldest testimonies of early Greek writing is from Pithekoussai: the so-called Cup of Nestor, dated to the last quarter of the 8th century. (Jeffery 1990: 235) The Etruscans would have been in contact with the Greek settlers from the beginning, and the acquisition of their script was not a long time coming: The oldest document of written Etruscan, a kotyle from Tarquinia (Ta 3.1), is dated to about 700 (Wallace 2008: 17).
As the oldest Etruscan abecedarium on an ivory tablet from Marsiliana d’Albegna (ET: AV 9.1; about 650) shows, the Etruscans adopted the Greek alphabet, in its Eastern Greek "red" variety as used in Euboia, without any changes with regard to the different phonemic systems of the two languages. (For details see Jeffery 1990: 236 ff.) Only by and by do the documented abecedaria reflect a process of adaptation to writing practice. Etruscan had a plosive system consisting of two rows, written with the Greek characters for the unvoiced unaspirated (Pi, Tau, Kappa (/Gamma/Qoppa)) and unvoiced aspirated (Phi, Theta, Khi) rows. A phonetic realisation very much like the Greek is communis opinio among Etruscologists (see Wallace 2008: 30 f.). In any case, the obsolete characters for the mediae dropped out – all exept Gamma, which together with Kappa and Qoppa became part of a curious orthographic rule for writing allophones, and only later replaced both the other characters as the exclusive one for the velar stop. Due to the lack of /o/ in Etruscan, Omikron fell away. In the 6th century, an additional sign was created for /f/, after a phase of writing the sound with a digraph <vh> oder <hv>, and added to the end of the row. As concerns the writing of sibilants, a certain confusion on the part of the Greeks (see Jeffery 1990: 25 ff., Swiggers 1996: 266 f.) appears to have been propagated to the Etruscans: The Etruscan language seems to have had – apart from a dental affricate written with Zeta – two sibilants /s/ and probably /ʃ/ which were written with Sigma and San – in the South Sigma for /s/, San for /ʃ/, the other way round in the North. In the Southern cities Caere und Veii, where a number of divergences from general Etruscan writing practice can be observed over the course of time, a Sigma with more than three strokes appears instead of San. Finally in Cortona, a monophthongised, possibly long /e/ was consistently written with the sign . As is customary in archaic Greek inscriptions, Etruscan inscriptions are generally sinistroverse, apart from a short phase around 600 in Caere and Veii. Unlike Greek practice, boustrophedon writing is rare. While word separation is consistently executed on Nestor's Cup, the archaic Etruscan texts often dispense with it, until it establishes itself in neo-Etruscan time (after 470). (For details see Wallace 2008: 17 ff.; a collection of Etruscan abecedaria in Pandolfini & Prosdocimi 1990: 19–94.)
Over the Po
As things present themselves to us now, the Etruscan script must have found its way to the peoples north of the river Po more than once, but not from the Etruscan settlements in Transpadania. Etruscan inscriptions in the very North are known from Adria (Ad) and Spina (Sp), which only became relevant as Etruscan settlements towards the end of the 6th century, from the area around Mantova, which also yields inscriptions only from the 5th century onwards (??), and from Feltre (Pa 4.1).
lepontisch dagegen seinerseits vom etruskischen, aber auch mit o, verweis aufs lexlep, ältestes dokument eigentlich von jenseits mit fraglicher stellung, archaisch-lepontisches zentrum an den südspitzen von lago maggiore und lago di como (comer arm), dann auch im tessin (s. uhlich), und sonst is aus der gegend zwischen dort und mantua, wo eigentlich die etrusker sitzen, recht viel undefinierbares zeugl. mögliche zuordnungsprobleme um die untere etsch. The Lepontic alphabet, whose origin is supposed to be independent of the Eastern alphabets of Transpadania, also features the St. Andrew's cross as the standard letter for /t/.
According to the theory of Prosdocimi (p. 328-351), the first version of the Venetic script ("phase 1"), attested securely only in one (*Es 120, dated to the beginning of the 6th c. at the latest) and arguably in two more inscriptions (Es 1, *Es 122), was based on a model from Northern Etruria, while a separate tradition lies at the basis of most of the younger locally diverse alphabets (Este, Padua, Cadore, etc., "phase 2"). The archaic Venetic alphabet seems to have featured a rare form of Theta which is found in a handful of inscriptions from 6th century Chiusi and Volsinii (Cl 2.8, Cl 2.6, Cl 2.5, Vs 1.23 and Vs 1.14, see Colonna 1972: 470), as seen in *Es 120. *Es 122 shows that the digraph <vh> was used to write /f/ rather than the new character which was introduced no sooner than the middle of the 6th century tabelle. The table shows the characters contained in the abovementioned inscriptions (disregarding minor variants). Pi is missing, but note that *Es 122 has , read l by Prosdocimi; cp. Pi in the form in Chiusi. Syllabic punctuation is absent.
The younger alphabet of Este is unusually well documented on a number of votive writing tablets from a sanctuary-cum-writing school and distinguished by syllabic punctuation, both of which phenomena, together with the actual content of the inscriptions, connect it with the 6th century writing tradition of the Portonaccio sanctuary in Veii in the South of Etruria. The background of syllabic punctuation is debated. syllabic writing in kyme.
Syllabic punctuation became the key feature of Venetic script, even though alphabet variants from other parts of the Venetic realm deviate from the Este alphabet, most prominently in the writing of the dental stops. Prosdocimi argues that the younger phase 2 alphabets represent different solutions for reconciling the archaic Venetic alphabet with the younger Etruscan one and particularly the theoretical grid on which the writing instruction was based. Whether the Veneti still had access to the characters for mediae (as lettres mortes through Etruscan teaching) is hard to judge, but they did not use them to write their voiced stops (Prosdocimi's considerations on p. 331 ff.). Instead, they employed the superfluous letters for the Etruscan aspirated row. While in the case of labials and velars, this transition appears to have happened smoothly (Pi = /p/, Phi = /b/; Kappa = /k/, Khi = /g/), the characters for the dentals were shifted around. *Es 120 clearly demonstrates the use of Tau for /d/; the abovementioned Chiusi-style Theta ( in Es 1 and *Es 122) must be expected to stand for /t/. This distribution is also documented for phase 2 Vicenza in Vi 2. In the younger Este alphabet (and also in the sanctuaries of Làgole (Calalzo di Cadore) and Auronzo di Cadore), /t/ as in the archaic inscriptions is written as a (large) St. Andrew's cross, but Zeta is employed to write /d/. A third combination is used in Padua, where first Etruscan Tau, later St. Andrew's cross are in use for /d/, while /t/ is written with a more traditional framed form of Theta (rounded or angular).
The origin of St. Andrew's cross is somewhat obscure: Prosdocimi (p. 332), regarding the archaic distribution, explains Tau for /d/ and Theta for /t/ by a developing homography of and / . The phonetic values were swapped before the characters were differentiated again, leading to being used for /t/ henceforth. He points to the Lepontic alphabet and the Este alphabet tablets for evidence of a tendency of Tau to tend towards a cross-shape. To further avoid homography in this area, Tau was substituted by Zeta in Este; in Padua, the form of Theta was changed to (note that the variety of Theta used in Padua was the standard form in Chiusi, not Veii, as Prosdocimi asserts; see table), which allowed Tau to turn into . I.e., according to Prosdocimi, has two separate origins. On the Este writing tablets, where the letters can be unambiguously identified by their position in the row, Tau appears – with Prosdocimi: is retained as a lettre morte – in the shape of a cross, similar to, but clearly distinct from Theta: While the latter is a large , Tau is smaller and sometimes lopsided (e.g. in Es 23, see table). The individual letters being written in rectangular fields formed by a grid, with the grid lines regularly being used as hastae, it has been argued that the entire frame around the St. Andrew's cross representing Theta, whose tips reach into the corners of the field, is supposed to be part of the letter, forming a large, but otherwise inconspicuous . Theta would then have come to be reduced to only the cross through reinterpretation. This explanation, however, predating Prosdocimis distinction of older and younger Venetic alphabet, does not account for the early appearance of and its apparent connection with Chiusi; note also that of six preserved tablets, a third (Es 24 and Vi 3) lack grid lines and yet feature Theta without a frame. On Es 25, where the grid lines are not used as represent parts of the letters, Theta is missing due to object damage, but the tablet serves to corroborate Prosdocimis theory by having Zeta in the place of Tau, probably due to a scribal error.
The Venetic script features Omikron, which in the younger Este alphabet is situated not in its ancestral place, but at the very end of the row, as evidenced by the votive tablet Es 23, the only one bearing a complete row (in addition to the usual consonant-only). While Omikron is usually assumed to have been acquired directly from the Greek alphabet, probably through contact with Greeks settling in and south of the Po delta, Prosdocimi (p. 329) favours the theory that it was taken as a lettre morte (through writing instruction) from the Etruscan alphabet before its ultimate reduction. The Venetic use of Sigma vs. San follows the South Etruscan use, Sigma being the character used for the default sibilant and San leading a marginal existence. This is also the case in the archaic inscriptions; for possible explanations see Prosdocimi on p. 330 f. Finally, one of the distinctive features of the Venetic script is the frequent inversion of Lambda and Upsilon.
Beyond the Po
The Raeti appear to have learned the art of writing from the Veneti rather than the Etruscans (Schumacher 2004: 312–316). While Raetic inscriptions are only known from the 5th century onward, at a time when Etruscan inscriptions have appeared in the very North (see above), some features of the Raetic script strongly suggest a Venetic source.
1. Employment of Phi, Khi and Tau for mediae or phonemes interpreted as mediae by Indo-Europeans (see below).
2. St. Andrew's cross for /t/.
3. Non-employment of Zeta: Raetic, like Etruscan, had a dental affricate /z/ (or similar). While Etruscan used Zeta to write this phoneme, Raetic inscriptions feature two graphically distinct special characters, which appear to have been newly created. The fact that Zeta was not used to write /ts/ in Venetic can explain this discontinuity.
4. Rudimental syllabic punctuation.
5. Orientation of Upsilon.
Pi, Theta (St. Andrew's cross) und Kappa sind die Standard-Plosivzeichen - korrespondieren mit was im etruskischen? stefans theorie: phi, tau, khi bezeichnen lenisallophone im inlaut, im anlaut sinds lehnphoneme, und entsprechen mediae. was aber mit der aspirierten etruskischen reihe? entsprechungen?
und schließlich die camuner im oglio-tal oberhalb vom lago d'iseo, was mit denen verkehrt is, weiß keiner.
Tabelle
Nestor's Cup | 725–700 | ← | A19 s | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Kyme 2 (alphabetarium) | 700–675 | → | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
AV 9.1 (alphabetarium) | ~650 | ← | addKsi1 s | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Clusium (statistical) | 7th–6th c. |
← | A19 s | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Archaic Venetic | 6th c. | ← | A19 s | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Portonaccio (statistical) | 6th c. | ← | ? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Es 23 (votive plaque) | ?? | ← | [] | [] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Cadore | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Padova | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Vi 2 | ?? | ← | ! | ! | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Steinberg | ← | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Magrè | ← | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Sanzeno | ← | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Golasecca / Archaic Lepontic | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Late Western | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Piancogno (PC 10) | ?? | → | ? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Foppe di Nadro (alphabetaria) | ?? | ← | addKsi2 s |
Alphabets of Transpadana and the Alps as distinguished in TIR
Greek
Etruscan
North Italic
The archaic Venetic alphabet
Alphabet of Este
Alphabet of Padua
Alphabet of Cadore
Alphabet of Magrè
Alphabet of Sanzeno
Alphabet of Steinberg
Alphabet of Lugano
Camunic
Latin
Images
Bibliography
AIF I | Carl Pauli, Altitalische Forschungen. Band 1: Die Inschriften nordetruskischen Alphabets, Leipzig: 1885. |
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Colonna 1972 | Giovanni Colonna, "Clusium et Orvieto", Studi Etruschi 40 (1972), 470–471. |
ET | Helmut Rix, Gerhard Meiser (Eds), Etruskische Texte. Editio Minor [= ScriptOralia 23-24; Reihe A, Altertumswissenschaftliche Reihe 6-7], Tübingen: Gunter Narr 1991. (2 volumes) |
Gamper 2006 | Peter Gamper, Die latènezeitliche Besiedlung am Ganglegg in Südtirol. Neue Forschungen zur Fritzens-Sanzeno-Kultur [= Internationale Archäologie 91], Rahden/Westfalen: Leidorf 2006. |
Jeffery 1990 | Lilian H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece. A study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development from the eighth to the fifth cernturies B.C., Oxford: 1990. |
Lexicon Leponticum | David Stifter, Martin Braun, Michela Vignoli et al., Lexicon Leponticum. URL: http://www.univie.ac.at/lexlep/ |
Lunz 1981b | Reimo Lunz, Venosten und Räter. Ein historisch-archäologisches Problem [= Archäologisch-historische Forschungen in Tirol Beiheft 2], Calliano (Trento): 1981. |
Mancini 1980 | Alberto Mancini, "Le iscrizioni della Valcamonica. Parte 1: Status della questione. Criteri per un'edizione dei materiali", Studi Urbinati di storia, filosofia e letteratura Supplemento linguistico 2 (1990), 75–167. |
Marchesini 2013 | Simona Marchesini, "Descrizione epigrafica della lamina", in: Carlo de Simone, Simona Marchesini (Eds), La lamina di Demlfeld [= Mediterranea. Quaderni annuali dell'Istituto di Studi sulle Civiltà italiche e del Mediterraneo antico del Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche. Supplemento 8], Pisa – Roma: 2013, 45–53. |
Marinetti 2004 | Anna Marinetti, "Nuove iscrizioni retiche dall'area veronese", Studi Etruschi 70 (2004), 408–420. |
Marinetti 2004b | Anna Marinetti, "Venetico: Rassegna di nuove iscrizioni (Este, Altino, Auronzo, S. Vito, Asolo). (Rivista di Epigraphia Italica)", Studi Etruschi 70 (2004), 389–408. |